Bedouin Arab Education in the Negev
Future Goals and Objectives

The focus of this paper is on the future of the educational system of
the Bedouin Arab community in the Negev. However, without a good
understanding of the major changes which the Bedouin educational system
has undergone, and of the Israeli educational system in general, it is
not possible to set forth goals and objectives for its tuture. The
Bedouin are defined as:

...nomadic Arabs who live by rearing sheep and camels in the deserts of
the Middle East....The word "Bedouin" is the Western version of the
Arabic word badawiyin which means "inhabitants of the desert," the
badiya. . . .Strictly speaking the term "Bedouin" should only be applied
to the noble camel herding tribes, but again it has been used as a
general term in English to cover all nomadic Arabs. (Kay, 1978, p. 7)

The Bedouin Arab community of the Negev consists of numerous tribes, and
used to be nomadic, deriving its subsistence from herding goats, sheep
and camels. As Reichel, Neumann, and Abu Saad, stated :

The Bedouin in Israel constitute a...traditional, conservative Middle
Eastern society, operating within a modern, western-oriented country.
The Bedouin...have developed a well-defined value system that instructs,
directs, monitors and sanctions behavior and interpersonal relations.
Consequently, patterns of behavior are predictable, with a high degree
of adherence for ways of life akin to tribes wandering in the desert
(1987, p. 34).

This traditional, conservative way of life of the Bedouin Arabs in the
Negev, however, has been greatly altered during the past 40 years. After
the establishment ot the state of Israel in 1948, the Bedouin almost
completely ceased to move around with their herds as the result of the
state confiscating their lands and putting the people in restricted
areas. In 1966 , the restrictions limiting their movements were lifted,
and they started to become more involved with the modern, western-
oriented society of Israel. As a consequence of the loss of their lands,
the vast majority of Bedouin Arabs became dependent upon wage labor in
the Jewish sector in order to support themselves. Furthermore, in the
early 1970's, the Israeli government began implementing plans to move
the Bedouin into urban settlements (Falah, 1989) . Due to these
experiences, the traditional Bedouin Arab community has undergone an
intensive process of urbanization and modernization. The Bedouin are not
satisfied with the new way of life that has been imposed upon them.
Although some changes have taken place, the community still conforms to
the old traditions and customs.

Background of the Bedouin Educational system in the Negev

The educational system of the Bedouin Arabs in the Negev today is a
prime example of these conflicts and processes. Historically schools
were not developed in the Bedouin community because they did not fit
into the nomadic way of life. Nevertheless, the first schools for the
Bedouin were established during the British Mandate (1921-1948). During
this period a few schools were opened in the largest Bedouin Arab
tribes. Each school had only one teacher, and instruction was limited to
reading, writing and arithmetic (Abu Saad, 1989). Attendance was low and
sporadic due to the high mobility of the nomadic community. Apart from
these schools, there were a few old teachers, (called Khatib) spread
throughout the area. These teachers had a basic knowledge of reading and
writing, but no qualifications beyond that. The Koran (the sacred book
of Islam, considered by Muslims to be a series of revelations from God
to the prophet Muhammad) served as the textbook, and the education was
over when the student got through the entire book.

The number of literate Bedouin was very low. Literacy was not a high
priority for them for many years to come. Survival under the harsh
conditions of the nomadic or semi-nomadic way of life put demands on
them that required other skills.

Soon after the establishment of the state of Israel, a law was passed
(Compulsory Education Law, 1949) , which mandated that every child in
the state receive free elementary schooling, and it made elementary
education compulsory for children between the ages of six and thirteen.
The state was obliged to provide trained teachers, salaries and
facilities. It was also responsible for curricula.

Long after the law was introduced, the Bedouin schools had still not
been improved. Student enrollment remained low and there was no action
taken on the part of the authorities to enforce the Compulsory Education
Law. It took the Ministry of Education and Culture until 1968 to
establish schools in every major tribe in the Negev. No school had more
than four grades, and the maximum number of pupils in any one school was
40 (Interview with an old Bedouin teacher, 1985).

Initially, the Bedouin Arabs were not very interested in the formal
education provided by the Israeli government, and the government
considered it inefficient to open satisfactory schools for such a low
number of students. The few who wanted to continue their education had
to attend schools in the northern Arab villages. It was only feasible
for a few students to pursue this option because of the high cost and
the difficulties in obtaining a permit from the Military Administration
(which ruled over the Arab citizens of Israel trom 1948 to 1966) to
leave their area. The Military Administration meant, among other things,
curfews and special permits for most Arabs to be able to leave their
villages and towns to look for jobs, education, markets, etc. (Ridge,
1988; Mari, 1978).

Eventually, however, the demand for schools among the Bedouin Arabs in
the Negev began to grow. The authorities were pressured into opening new
schools by Sheiks (the leaders of the tribes) where schools were so far
nonexistent. The Sheiks were, however, acting more out of
competitiveness with rival tribes and a desire to get equal treatment
from the government, than out of a concern for the children (Interview
with an old Bedouin teacher, 1985).

The situation began to change in more significant ways after the
Military Administration over the Arabs in Israel was abolished in 1966.
With the end of military rule there were no further restrictions on
travel. As the Bedouin were gradually being exposed to the modern Jewish

society, and becoming involved in its economy, they saw the importance
of education for their new context (Abu Saad, 1985).

Another significant factor, following the War of 1967, was the impact
that the opening of the West Bank and Gaza Strip had upon the Arab
citizens of Israel. The Bedouin who were able to visit their relatives
and tribesmen in these territories noticed their progressiveness,
especially in the field of education (Abu Saad, 1985). There was also
intermarriage between them, and this resulted in women from the West
Bank and Gaza Strip, who had been educated, coming to live in the Negev,
where previously very few if any females had received formal education.
These experiences encouraged the Bedouin Arab community to begin sending
their children to school in greater numbers as well.

In 1969, the first high school for Bedouin Arabs in the Negev was opened
(Reichel, Neumann, and Abu Saad, 1987; Abu Saad, 1985). Secondary
education consisted of four grades after elementary school (9-12) and
was operated mainly by local authorities with some form of state subsidy
in certain areas. In 1972, free compulsory education in Israel was
extended two years to include the ninth and tenth grades (ages 14-15)
(Mari, 1978); and by the end of the 1970's, two more high schools had
been built for the Bedouin Arab community in planned government
settlements .

The educational system in Israel

The educational system in Israel is designed, directed and financed by
the Ministry of Education and Culture in Jerusalem. Administrators (such
as superintendents, principals, etc.) and teachers are appointed and
paid by the Ministry of Education and Culture. There is one salary
schedule for all elementary and secondary school teachers in Israel,
which is based on the teachers' level of education and years of teaching
experience.

For administrative purposes, the country is divided into six districts,
each with a Jewish superintendent (the Bedouin Arab schools of the Negev
are in the southern district). There is a scarcity of Arabs in upper
echelons of the Ministry of Education. As Al-Haj stated:

of the 980 senior posts in the Ministry of Education, Arab education was
allotted only 40 - approximately 4 percent. Thirty-two of these
positions - 3 percent - are filled by Arabs, despite the fact that
every fifth student in Israel is an Arab. Furthermore, most of the Arab
officials are of low rank; very few are in policy making circles (1987,
p. 15).

There are, de facto, two different educational systems in Israel, a
Jewish one (which is further subdivided into religious and secular
systems) and an Arab one. School budgets and teaching hours are not
equitably distributed between these systems. Most Jewish elementary
schools get 30 percent more of these resources than the Arab schools,
and in secondary schools the gap reaches 50 percent (The Washinqton
Report on Middle East Affairs. 1988 p.35; Hadashot. April 1, 1988). The
number of students per teacher in Arab elementary schools is 21, while
in Jewish elementary schools it is 13. In secondary schools the gap
becomes even wider with 15 students per teacher in Arab schools and 8
students per teacher in Jewish schools (Sada A-Tarbiya. 1989).
Furthermore, there are gaps in the types of educational programs
offered. For example, while 60% of Jewish high school students are
enrolled in vocational/technological courses of study, only 20% of Arab
students are, and the vocational courses offered to them are generally
of a low level (non-college bound) which do not lead to a matriculation
certificate (AI-Hajj, 1987). The lack of special education services,
within the Arab sector, both for the needy and the glided, is another
serious problem (Mari, 1978; AI-Hajj, 1987) . According to a Ministry of
Education report in 1984, "in order to carry out instruction in the Arab
sector under the same conditions that prevail in the Jewish sector, it
is necessary to add 4000 teaching positions" (AI-Hajj, 1987, p. 14).

The Arab educational system has been, and continues to be, governed by a
set of political criteria which Arabs have no say in formulating (Said,
et al, 1987). The 1953 law of State Education specified the following
aims for education in Israel:

to base education on the values of Jewish culture and the achievements
of science, on love of the homeland and loyalty to the state and the
Jewish people, on practice in - agricultural work and handcraft, on
pioneer training and on striving for a society built on freedom,
equality, tolerance, mutual assistance, and love of mankind. (Sari,
1978)

No parallel aims have been set forth for the education of Arabs in
Israel, and the goals that have been developed tend to blur rather than
to enhance the formation of Arab identity and national consciousness.
Furthermore, while the overall aims of the educational system, as well
as specific curricular goals, require Arabs to learn about Jewish values
and culture, they do not in turn require Jews to learn about Arab values
and culture (Mari; 1978, 1985). The results of this are clearly seen in
the government-sponsored curricula for primary and secondary schools.
Arab students must spend many class hours in the study of Jewish culture
and history and the Hebrew language (and more in total than they spend
on Arabic literature and history), while Jewish students have very
little exposure to Arab culture, history and language (Said, et al.
1957).

In light of the overall situation, it appears that the Arab staff hired
by the Ministry of Education to oversee Arab education are either too
weak to object to the policies of the government, or have been coopted
by it (Mari, 1985).

Another mayor problem affecting Arab education in Israel is the
nonenforcement of the Compulsory Education Law. As was mentioned
earlier, education in Israel has been compulsory since 1949, but this
law has been selectively implemented. Although it is the responsibility
of the Ministry of Education and Culture to enforce the Compulsory
Education Law, in general, it is enforced less among the Arab than the
Jewish population. for Jews, elementary school enrollment exceeds 99
percent. Among Arabs, it averages 85 percent (Sada A-Tarbiya. 1959), but
is much lower among the Bedouin Arabs. While Bedouin student enrollment,
especially in elementary school, significantly increased after 1970, the
drop-out rate is still high, particularly among girls (Interview with
Bedouin Supervisor, 1955). At present there are about 19,750 students
out of a potential Bedouin student population estimated at 30,000 in the
Negev (Abu Saad, 1959).

The level of education, despite improved conditions, remains low if
measured by the number of students who pass the Bagrout Exams

(matriculation exams taken upon graduating from high school which
determine whether or not students can enter the university) . As Nakomo
stated:

One measure of the poor quality [of their education] is that in 1981-82
only 4% of Arab students passed the matriculation examination and 10 out
of 366 (almost three percent) Bedouin students who had gone through ten
years of schooling passed the matriculation examination (1983, p.16).

As a result of this, very few Bedouin Arabs are able to go on to
institutions of higher education. Only .6% of Negev Bedouin have a
university degree, compared to the Israeli national average of 8% (Roth,
1989).

Efforts to improve the educational system meet with a complex array of
problems. The conditions of the facilities and the teaching staff remain
primary barriers to raising the level of the Bedouin educational system.

Facilities in the Bedouin Arab Sector

The problem of school buildings and related physical facilities is a
controversial one, especially with regard to the tree, compulsory
education. As Mari described it:

A critical look at the educational statistics with regard to the Arabs
in Israel.....reveals that the educational authorities in Israel have
failed to satisfy the ever-pressing needs. There is an urgent need for
the construction of 5,000 additional classrooms for Arab children.
Equivalent classroom space is presently rented from communities outside
the school. Furthermore, in spite of the fact that the Arab communities
are coping with the classroom shortage by renting additional space,
overcrowding remains a devastating phenomenon. 64% of the classrooms in
the Arab educational system in Israel hold 30 to 50 students (Sari,
1985, p. 53).

This problem has been especially controversial among the Bedouin Arabs
of the Negev where the establishment of schools has become a part of the
government plan for settling the Bedouin. There is a distinction made
between schools described as temporary and permanent. Currently there
are 12 temporary and 24 permanent Bedouin schools in the Negev. Any
school which is located in an unplanned settlement is defined as
temporary. Such schools are poorly equipped, have low budgets,
inadequate facilities, poor buildings and furnishings, and few teaching
materials. They often suffer from a complete lack of facilities and
materials such as libraries and maps, and audio visual, laboratory and
sports equipment, etc. They are mostly housed in tin, wooden, or
concrete buildings with insufficient classroom and office space. They
are not supplied with running water and electricity, although some are
found next to water pipes or electric lines. In general, these schools
are not expanded and are poorly maintained.

This situation is part of an official government policy to induce the
Bedouin Arabs to settle in planned settlements (Interview with Officials
of the Ministry of Interior, 1980). Though the government is made
responsible by law to provide Bedouin children with education, it is
acting in a contradictory manner, using the educational system to pursue
its goal of concentrating the Bedouin Arab population in designated
settlements.

In contrast to temporary schools, permanent schools are located in
existing settlements or on the sites of future developments, and are
better equipped. Most of them are housed in modern buildings, and have
electricity and running water. But even they do not have sufficient
laboratories, libraries or other teaching materials. Lost schools are
overcrowded since the developers cannot keep up with population growth
and increasing enrollment. Nevertheless, their situation in general is
still much better than that of temporary schools.

Teaching staff in the Bedouin Arab Hector

Until 1976, the overwhelming majority of teachers in Bedouin Arab
schools were recruited from the northern Arab villages, since the
Bedouin community could not provide them. Now only 60 percent of the
teachers are Bedouin Arab, and the rest are non-Bedouin Arabs (District
Records, 1989).

The Bedouin Arabs experience a scarcity of local teachers, while the
northern Arabs in Israel have a surplus of teachers. Faced with this
problem, the ministry of Education and Culture has made it obligatory
for Arab graduates of teacher training institutions to work in Bedouin
schools for a period of 2-3 years.

This situation is far from ideal, as it only partially solves the
problem of supplying schools with temporary manpower, and then results
in a very high turnover rate. Furthermore, such teachers are not
experienced, and as soon as they gain a few years of experience they, as
a rule, go back to their own villages in the North.

Bedouin Arab teachers form another more stable, but less educated,
group. Many were hired by the Ninlstry of Education during times of
extreme teacher shortages, and have only a high school education. Very
few of them have furthered their education. Since the opening of a
separate class for the Bedouin in the teacher training institution in
Beer Sheva in 1976 this situation has improved, and it is no longer
necessary to hire high school graduates, but the percentage of non-local
teachers still remains very high. The number of Bedouin Arab graduates
from the Teacher's College is only about 20-25 per year, which hardly
keeps up with the natural growth of the student population, and is not
enough to significantly increase the overall percentage of local
teachers (Interview with Supervisor, 1989).

Another small group of teachers in the Bedouin educational system are
students (both Bedouin and northern Arabs) from Ben-Gurion University in
Beer Sheva who are working toward their B.A. degrees, but not
necessarily in education. Often they do not have any teaching skills,
but take teaching jobs in order to support themselves through their
studies. Since there is a scarcity of teachers they are even able to be
employed in high schools.

The number of female teachers in the Bedouin schools of the Negev is low
and only a few of them are of Bedouin origin. Most of them teach lower
grades. For example, the kindergarten staff is entirely female. The
higher the grade, the lower the number of female teachers, with very few
teaching in high schools. In a community where sexes are separated, this
creates a difficult situation for female students in secondary schools.

They find themselves in an almost completely male environment, which is
an unfamiliar situation for them. Social norms forbid them to establish
close relationships with male teachers, thus restricting their learning
opportunities.

The shortage of local teacher with professional training, as well as of
female teachers, remains a serious problem for the whole Bedouin
educational system .

Summary of Present Situation

Today there are a total of 35 schools in the Bedouin Arab communities of
the Negev: 28 elementary schools (10 of which are temporary and 18
permanent), 4 intermediate schools and 3 secondary school (all of which
are permanent). This system has 750 teachers, 25% of whom are female. On
the average sixty percent are Bedouin Arabs from the Negev, and 40t are
non-focal, or Arabs from the North (District Records, 1990).

There are approximately 19,195 Bedouin Arab students, who constitute
about 15% of the student population of the Southern District (District
Records, 1990). However, only 75% of 6-13 year olds are enrolled in
school. The situation worsens at the secondary school level, with only
30% of 14 17 year olds enrolled in school, which is less than half of
the national Israeli average. As was mentioned earlier, only .6% of the
Negev Bedouin community have gone on to obtain a university degree
(Roth, 1989).

There are 2 general supervisors, one of whom is local, and the other of
whom is an Arab from the North and holds only a half-time position. They
are responsible for providing overall supervision for all of the 35
Bedouin Arabs schools in the Southern District. As happened in many
areas of Israel, when the Arab educational system was decentralized, the
department of Arab Education was liquidated without organized efforts to
fully integrate Arab schools into their respective district offices. So
although the Bedouin educational system is formally an integral part of
the Southern District, it does not receive an equitable share of the
services. Specialized supervisors (who oversee the teaching of subjects
such as Science, Math, Languages, Sports, etc. from the elementary
through secondary levels) are all Jewish, and are rarely if ever seen in
the Bedouin Arab schools (Interview with Bedouin Arab School Principals,
1989) .

In addition to the problems within the educational system, educators
find themselves in a unique position in society. Bedouin schools have
come to represent institutions attempting to diffuse modernization
within a traditional community. The emphasis on achievement, as opposed
to tribal affiliation and status, is a major revolution in the Bedouin
way of life. While traditional concepts are dominant at home, schools
impose a different and contradictory set of concepts on the students.
The major burden of bridging the gap between the conflicting roles is
placed on school administrators and teachers. In most cases, the links
between the school and the community are very weak. If the gap between
school and community is indeed to be bridged, there is a need for the
Bedouin Arab educational system as a whole to become involved in this
effort.

In summary, it is solely in the last two decades that the Bedouin Arabs
of the Negev have begun sending their children to school in large
numbers. During this relatively short period of time the number of
students has more than doubled. This has placed severe strains upon the
developing educational system. School facilities are insufficient, both
in quantity and in quality; there is an insufficient number of qualified
teachers and administrators, and the student-to-teacher ratio is
unacceptably high. The resources dedicated by the Ministry of Education
to policy development and planning are insufficient, and many of those
holding policymaking positions are unqualified for this role.

Future Goals and Objectives

Today Bedouin Arab Education in the Negev is at a critical juncture and
the formulation of goals and objectives for it's future is of utmost
importance. This paper points to several specific areas that must be
addressed in the near future.

One of the most obvious and basic issues is the overall need for the
equalization of Arab and Jewish education in Israel. Bedouin Arab
education Should receive equitable material and human resources, and
should be equipped to provide its students with the skills and abilities
they need to face the future as equals of their Jewish counterparts.
Therefore their educational system should offer them, as it offers Jews,
qualified teachers, appropriate facilities (buildings, modern labs and
libraries, etc.), services (pedagagical supervisors, counselors, truant
officers, social workers, special education teachers, nurses, etc.); and
as in the Jewish sector, should identify the gifted and provide them
with programs relevant to their special abilities and aptitudes.

In order to accomplish this goal within the Bedouin Arab community,
programs should be developed for increasing the number of Bedouin Arab
students in institutions of higher education, especially, though not
exclusively, for the purpose of preparing qualified teachers and
professional staff for the educational system.

Another important area to be addressed for the future, where again Arab
education generally lags far behind the Jewish sector, is that of
vocational-technical education (Sari, 1985). It is essential that the
Bedouin Arab educational system develop programs which provide basic as
well as advanced skills in electronics, computer literacy and
telecommunications. However, it is not only highly advanced technology
that is needed to make Bedouin Arab education more future-oriented.
Vocational-technical training is also important for fulfilling current
and future needs in management, business, industry and other such
vocations.

In addition, Bedouin Arab educational goals for the future should
include the development of agricultural programs. Despite the fact that
the vast majority of their lands have been confiscated, agricultural
education remains especially significant for the future of Bedouin
Arabs in the Negev. Agricultural education in its broadest sense has the
potential to help transform the agricultural traditions of the Bedouin
into present and future strategies for coping economically and
culturally.

In conjunction with the strengthening of the educational system's
resources, services and programs, there is a need for developing
stronger school/community ties. The future of Bedouin Arab education is
also dependent upon the Bedouin community developing a more complete
"ownership" of its schools. This is a matter too important to be left to
the initiative of individual principals or schools, but should be taken

up on a district-wide level, and should include training for teachers
and administrators .

In order to achieve the goals discussed above, it is essential that the
Bedouin Arab educational system have qualified educators from the
community to direct the necessary policymaking and planning. In
conclusion, what is most needed today is a clear policy that is aimed at
resolving the problems and deficiencies in Bedouin Arab education, and
better preparing both the students and the community to meet the future
and to be a productive segment of the larger society.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

* Abu Saad, I. (1989). Organizational Climate and Teachers' Job
Satisfaction in the Bedouin Elementary Schools of the Negev in Southern
Israel. Ph.D. Thesis, University of Minnesota.
* Abu Saad, I. & Hendrix, V. (1989). "Pupil Control Ideology and
Ethnicity: The Case of Arab and Jewish Teachers in Public Elementary
Schools in Israel." Presented at the American Educational Research
Association, San Francisco, CA, March 27-31.
* Abu Saad, I. (1985). The Relationship Between Organizational Climate
and Teachers' Job Satisfaction in the Bedouin Schools in the Negev
Region. M.A. Thesis, Ben-Gurion University.
* Al-Hajj, M. (1987). The A B C's of Arab Education. New Outlook. 30,
14-15.
* Israeli-Arab Income Half that of Jews. The Washington Report on
Middle East Affairs (Translated from Hadashot April 1, 1988), November
1988.
* Falah, G. (1989). Israeli State Policy Toward Bedouin Sedentarization
in the Negev. Journal af Palestine Studies. Winter, 71-89.
* Kay, S. (1978). The Bedouin. New York: Crane Rvssak .
* Mari, S. (1985). The Future of the Palestinian Arab Education In
Israel. Journal of Palestine Studies. 14. 52-73.
* Mari, S. (1978). Arab Education in Israel. New York: Syracuse
University Press.
* Nakomo, M. (1983). Israel. Integrated Education. 20-21, 15-17.
* Neumann, Y., Reichel, A. and Abu Saad, I. (1988). Organizational
Climate and Work Satisfaction: The Case Of Bedouin Elementary Schools In
Israel. Journal of Educational Administration, 24, 82-96.
* Reichal, A., Neumann, Y., Abu Saad, I. (1987). Organizational Climate
and Work Satisfaction of Male and Female Teachers in Bedouin Elementary
Schools. Israeli Social Research. 4, 34-48.
* Roth, B. (1989). Negev Bedouin. SHATIL, February 8.
* Rudge, D. (1988). Pulled Two Ways. The Jerusalem Post Magazine-
International Edition, April 20.
* Said, E., et. al. (1987). A Profile of the Palestinian People.
Chicago: Palestine Human Rights Campaign.
* Southern District Records, (Ministry of Education and Culture)
1989,1990.
* The Third Educational Arab Conference In Shefa-Amer. (1989) Sada A-
Tarbiya, Sept. 6-16.